Archive | April 2016

AYE RIGHT

Paedophiles ‘Will Be Treated Like Terrorists’

David Cameron vows to close an “unacceptable” loophole that allows sexual predators to make and possess abuse manuals.
19:08, UK,
Sunday 27
April 2014

Child abuse


Video:
‘Treat Paedophiles Like Terrorists’

Paedophiles will be given the same treatment as terrorists as part of a crackdown on child abuse, the Prime Minister has said.

David Cameron wants to close a loophole that allows sexual
predators to produce and possess manuals containing tips on identifying
victims, grooming them and avoiding capture.

Under a new law to be included in the Queen’s Speech,
paedophiles will face the same kind of punishment as extremists who
download guides to bomb-making.

Mr Cameron told the Sunday Times: “It’s completely
unacceptable that there is a loophole in the law which allows
paedophiles to write and distribute these disgusting documents.

“I want to ensure we do everything we can to protect children – and that’s why I am making them illegal.”

Paedophile teacher William James Vahey

William Vahey was being investigated by the FBI when he took his own life

The loophole emerged after the intelligence agency GCHQ and
the National Crime Agency found examples of the guides in the chaotic
part of the internet known as the “dark web”.

The move comes in the week it was revealed a prolific paedophile abused up to 60 children at a London school before killing himself.

William Vahey


Video:
Vahey Abuse ‘Led To Three Suicides’

William James Vahey taught history and geography at Southbank International School from 2009 to 2013.

The law is expected to be in force by the general election
next year, and the Sunday Times reports it could be implemented in an
amendment to the Obscene Publications Act 1959.

Paedophile teacher William Vahey


Video:
Man ‘Among Worst Sexual Predators’

FBI Special Spokesperson Shauna Dunlap.


Video:
Paedophile ‘Among Most Prolific’

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THE FIRM

ALEC SALMONDS SHAME? GOOGLE HOLLIE GREIG

First Minister in missing records riddle over Hollie Greig abuse allegations

The
Scottish Government is refusing to disclose whether it has lost or
destroyed communications records relating to the Hollie Greig case which
may indicate when the First Minister Alex Salmond became aware of
allegations of sexual abuse, which Ms Greig claims was carried out
against her over many years whilst resident in the Aberdeen area.
Last
month the Scottish Ministers were compelled by the Information
Commissioner to address a series of questions put to the First Minister
in correspondence in relation to the case in January this year, the
first of which was: “When did you first become aware of the allegations
made by Hollie Greig about her being abused by members of a high-ranking
paedophile ring in Scotland?”
The commissioner required the Scottish Ministers to respond by today’s date or risk being held in contempt of court.
It
was reported in April 2009 that Greig received a payout of £13,500 from
the criminal injuries compensation authority, and was described by
Detective Inspector Iain Allen of Grampian Police as “a truthful witness
to the best of her ability and an entirely innocent victim.”
Two
Grampian Police Officers interviewed Greig in September 2009. No
charges have been brought against anyone in connection with sexual
abuse.
The
Scottish Ministers’ response to the question, issued by the First
Minister’s Private Secretary Terry Kowal stated: “Following a search of
our paper and electronic records, I have established we do not have a
record of when the First Minister became aware of these allegations.
Therefore, the information you require is not held by the Scottish
Government.”
However,
The Firm has seen correspondence from the Crown Office dated 23 July
2009 addressed to the Greig family’s lay representative Robert Green,
which suggests that correspondence addressed to the First Minister
outlining the allegations was received over two years ago.
“Thank
you for your email of 20 June 2009 to the First Minister in which you
raise concerns about the handling of the case involving allegations of
abuse perpetrated against Hollie Greig,” the letter says.
The letter then says that Green’s inquiry was passed to the Crown Office for response, given the nature of the subject matter.
When
pressed by The Firm to explain the apparent contradiction between the
two positions, the First Minister’s office told The Firm today only that
“we do not have a record of when the First Minister first became aware
of these allegations”.
The
First Minister’s office have acknowledged receipt of The Firm’s
subsequent query asking whether the records had been destroyed, but have
offered no direct response, despite repeated requests.
Russell
Fallis of the Scottish Government communications team issued a
statement to The Firm that said the First Minister’s office “receives a
large volume of correspondence on a wide range of subjects, which is
answered by that office or by relevant officials” , and added that the
Government does not have “any indication that this information was
recorded.”
Pressed to confirm whether the correspondence was destroyed or lost, the First Minister’s office has provided no response.
The
correspondence questioning the First Minister was sent on 28 January
and had received no response, despite a series of reminder letters. The
Information Commissioner later ruled that the Scottish Ministers had
failed to comply with their obligations under Sections 10(1) and 21(1)
of the Freedom of Information Act.
This
afternoon the Information Commissioner confirmed he is now considering
whether “further action is required” against the Scottish Government in
respect of their handling of the original correspondence containing the
six queries.
In
May, Andrew George MP wrote to Lord Advocate Frank Mulholland asking
him to outline the options available to “those many people who remain
concerned” about the “unsafe” investigations into the Hollie Greig case.
“There
appears to be a lot of evidence and allegations which point in one
direction and indicates that this whole case deserves a through review,”
George wrote in constituency correspondence.
He
adds that “many of the professionals with whom she came into
contact…have allegedly failed in their duties or even covered up
important facts.”
George
was the second Westminster MP to raise concerns about the case,
following David Ruffely MP’s intervention earlier this year.

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CLIFF EDGE , VICTIM IGNORED

Cliff Richard child abuse accuser claims cops haven’t spoken to him in 3 months

The man, who claims he was abused as a teenager by the singer at a religious rally, says detectives’ handling of the case has left him “unwell”

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Insight News & Features, Inc.British musician Cliff Richard and a friend spotted out in New York City
British musician Cliff Richard and a friend spotted out in New York City
A man who claims he was abused by Cliff Richard says police probing the case have failed to speak to him for three months.
The man, who claims he was abused as a teenager by the singer at a religious rally in the Eighties, says detectives’ handling of the case has left him “unwell”.
The last time he heard the voice of his police liaison was in January – despite earlier complaints of being neglected.
Sir Cliff, 75, has always strenuously denied any wrongdoing, and has not been arrested or charged.
His accuser says he has only found out about developments in the case by reading newspaper reports.
PASir Cliff Richard
The man who has accused Sir Cliff Richard says he has only heard about updates by reading newspapers
The man’s remarks follow a barrage of criticism from friends of Sir Cliff, who has been in limbo for 625 days since a police raid on his home was shown live on TV.
Detectives searched his home after the man alleged he had been abused by Sir Cliff at a rally at Sheffield United’s Bramall Lane football ground.
Speaking through former detective Mark Williams-Thomas, who is acting as an adviser, he said: “I’m very, very angry with the lack of ­communication from South Yorkshire Police.
“I haven’t spoken to anyone since January, I just get texts saying, ‘I’m sorry, it’s ongoing. I can’t tell you any more’.”
The man, who cannot be named for legal reasons, has been interviewed twice by police since making allegations against the showbiz veteran in early 2014. The last interview was a year ago.
Mr Williams-Thomas said: “For a long time the alleged victim has been frustrated over the lack of communication.
“He’s raised that with the police, as have I. It improved for a while but it’s gone back to being terrible again.
RefernsSir Cliff Richard
The man who has accused Cliff has slammed the police for a lack of communication
“He had no verbal communication with them since the ­beginning. Their only communication since then has been texts.
“There should be updates every month – this is such a high profile case they should be ringing him up and just checking he’s OK.”
Mr Williams-Thomas also hit out at the time the investigation was taking.
He said: “Looking at it from the point of view of the alleged victim and the alleged offender, I cannot see the logic in why it has taken so long to be dealt with.
“Whilst that goes on, both sides sit in limbo. The alleged victim does not want to do anything that would interfere with any potential criminal case.”
WENNCliff Richard
Cliff Richard performing live on stage on the first night of his 75th Birthday tour at the Symphony Hall
Since the man’s allegation against Sir Cliff, two other accusers have also come forward. But at least one is believed to have been dismissed by police.
After the Sunday Mirror raised the man’s concerns with South Yorkshire Police, he was contacted twice in a matter of days.
A source added: “When they got back in touch they said they were keen to build a relationship.”
South Yorkshire Police refused to comment on the man’s claims but said: “The investigation continues and we are now receiving investigative support from the Crown Prosecution Service.”

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CORBYN AS BAD AS CLEGG CAMERON THATCHER BLAIR SALMOND STURGEON ETC ETC ETC

A blind eye to child abuse: Whistleblowers warned Labour
leadership favourite Jeremy Corbyn of paedophiles preying on children on
his doorstep – but claim he did NOTHING

  • Social workers warned Corbyn that child abuse was rife in his Islington constituency in 1992 
  • ‘We’d
    been seeing so many 12 to 15-year-olds who were being sexually
    exploited, we could hardly believe it,’ Liz Davies, one of the five
    social workers, recalled this week
  • Corbyn never wrote to Davies, or telephoned, to acknowledge their meeting, or thank her for seeking to blow the whistle 
In 1992, social workers told Jeremy Corbyn (pictured that year) that organised child abuse was rife in his Islington constituency

In 1992, social
workers told Jeremy Corbyn (pictured that year) that organised child
abuse was rife in his Islington constituency
At
his constituency office in North London, the Labour MP Jeremy Corbyn
sits down to a pre-arranged meeting with five very anxious social
workers. 
His
visitors on that day in 1992 include four current or recent employees
of Islington Council, the London borough where Corbyn’s constituency is
situated. Their jobs are to safeguard some of its poorest and most
vulnerable children.
To
that end, they want to share some deeply troubling news with the local
MP. For some time, the social workers tell Corbyn, a near-constant
stream of drugged, hungry, distressed and often tearful young people
have been turning up at their offices each day and exhibiting tell-tale
signs of sexual abuse.
Many
are residents of Islington Council’s children’s homes, where they seem
to have been raped and assaulted by staff and visitors. 
Some
spend time at a flat nearby called ‘The Hot House’, which appears to be
operating as a child brothel. A few also exhibit signs of being
trafficked around London, the Home Counties and even abroad by organised
paedophile networks.
The
social workers tell Corbyn that they have recently come to the
conclusion that organised child abuse is occurring across Islington on
an alarming scale.
‘We
had been seeing so, so many 12 to 15-year-olds who were being sexually
exploited that we could hardly believe it,’ Liz Davies, one of the five
social workers, recalled this week.
‘These
children would be queuing up outside our offices at 9am for help. Most
of them had obviously been out all night. We discovered that they were
being driven around the country in vans.
‘I’d personally identified at least 61 potential abuse victims in our small patch of Islington.’
The
scale of the problem suggested to Davies and her colleagues that
paedophile gangs were targeting young people, on a nightly basis, across
the borough.
Demetrious Panton is a survivor of abuse

Panton told Corbyn in August 1992 that ‘very bad things had happened’ to him when he’d been living at an Islington care home several years earlier

Demetrious
Panton (left), a survivor of abuse, told Corbyn (right) in August 1992
that ‘very bad things had happened’ to him when he’d been living at an
Islington care home several years earlier
Things
were at their worst in children’s homes, she informed Corbyn, where
even known sex-abusers, and convicted child pornographers seemed able to
commit crimes with impunity, sometimes staying overnight, with the
apparent consent of council employees.
‘For
a time, I had been putting vulnerable children into Islington’s homes
to be safe,’ she says. ‘It took me a while to realise that was the worst
possible place, because they were being abused there, too.’
So
bad was the apparent problem that, earlier that year, Davies and a
fellow social worker called David Cofie had attempted to blow the
whistle to Margaret Hodge, the then leader of Islington Council who went
on to become a prominent Labour MP. To their dismay, however, Hodge
ignored the duo’s concerns.
Davies
and several colleagues — including Neville Mighty, a children’s home
manager, and a social worker called Celia Stubbs — had therefore
scheduled a meeting with Corbyn in an attempt to persuade him to take
the issue seriously.
On that day in 1992, they duly ‘told him everything’, says Davies.
‘We
were in his office for more than an hour. We shared all of our
concerns, including our fears that local children had been murdered by
abusers.’
Corbyn
listened politely. ‘He responded that he’d heard similar things from
other constituents, and promised to do something about it, starting by
talking to Virginia Bottomley, the Health Secretary,’ says Davies.
‘We were very pleased to hear him say that. I’d say that we all left the room feeling heartened.’
But not for long.
Days
before Davies had arranged that meeting with Corbyn, the London Evening
Standard newspaper had published sensational allegations regarding the
widespread abuse of vulnerable children in Islington.
In the weeks, months, and years that followed, those allegations would snowball into a major public scandal.
Social workers attempted to blow the whistle to Margaret Hodge, the then leader of Islington Council who went on to become a prominent Labour MP. Hodge (above, in 1993) ignored their concerns

Social workers attempted to blow the
whistle to Margaret Hodge, the then leader of Islington Council who went
on to become a prominent Labour MP. Hodge (above, in 1993) ignored
their concerns
It
emerged, during that time, that paedophiles had been able to
systematically rape and sexually abuse scores of vulnerable boys and
girls in the borough throughout the Seventies and Eighties, infiltrating
all 12 of its children’s homes in the process.
The
Labour-run council had, meanwhile, both facilitated the abuse by
employing known paedophiles and brazenly attempted to cover it up,
shredding crucial documents and dismissing subsequent media reports
about the scandal as ‘gutter journalism’.
Staff
who raised concerns were accused of racism and homophobia, and often
hounded out of their jobs. Some, including Liz Davies and Neville
Mighty, received death threats.
Almost
30 council employees accused of child sex crimes were allowed to take
early retirement (on generous pensions) instead of being subjected to
formal investigations or referred to the police.
As this revolting saga unfolded, Davies and her colleagues expected Corbyn to begin demanding that something be done about it.
He
was, after all, an outspoken Left-wing ‘firebrand’. And, thanks to
their briefing, he had detailed knowledge of the scale of the scandal.
Surely,
they thought, Corbyn would therefore stop at nothing to protect
Islington’s vulnerable children, and to bring rapists, pornographers and
possible murderers to justice
Or so they hoped. But, in the event, Davies and her fellow social workers would be sorely disappointed.
Corbyn never wrote to Davies, or telephoned, to acknowledge their meeting, or thank her for seeking to blow the whistle.
‘After
that meeting, we never heard another thing,’ Davies recalls. ‘There was
no letter. No phone call. I never, ever saw him speak about it.
‘In
fact, whenever I saw Jeremy afterwards, sometimes years later at Stop
The War marches and events like that, I’d always go up to him and say:
“This scandal is still going on, Jeremy.” He’d be very polite, but he
never seemed to do anything.’
Indeed,
23 years later, Liz Davies has yet to see Corbyn express what she
regards as sufficient anger, or regret, over the Islington abuse
scandal, or to publicly criticise the many local politicians, council
workers and political allies who allowed it to happen in the first
place.
This
seems highly pertinent given that Corbyn is now standing for the Labour
leadership, at a time when historic abuse allegations are to be the
subject of a major public inquiry.
Indeed,
the question of what Jeremy Corbyn did, or didn’t do, when the now
notorious child sex scandal hit his Islington North constituency all
those years ago, became a talking point in the current leadership
election.
Fellow
Labour MP John Mann published an open letter accusing him of ‘doing
nothing’ to prevent the abuse. ‘Your inaction in the 1980s and 1990s
says a lot — not about your personal character, which I admire, but
about your politics, which I do not,’ Mann wrote, adding that the
Left-winger’s track record on the issue made it ‘inappropriate’ for him
to now become party leader.
Mann
further pointed out that, in a separate 1986 incident, Corbyn had gone
so far as to attack the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens for drawing
public attention to the alleged existence of a child brothel on
Islington’s Elthorne housing estate.
After
Dickens — who was convinced there was a conspiracy to cover up
widespread paedophilic abuse in political circles and the security
services — had raised fears of a child prostitution racket operating
there, Corbyn used a local newspaper to accuse the Tory backbencher of
‘getting cheap publicity at the expense of innocent children’.
Then
he formally complained to the Commons Speaker about Dickens visiting
the constituency without first informing him, calling those actions
‘irresponsible’.
The Paedophile Information Exchange was popular at the time of the Islington abuse scandal. The lobby group held that paedophiles were merely an oppressed minority, who ‘loved’ children and wanted to liberate them sexually. PIE was controversially granted ‘affiliate’ status within the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL), a pressure group which became Liberty. At the time, the NCCL was run by Patricia Hewitt, along with Harriet Harman, the Labour Party’s current acting leader, and her husband Jack Dromey, also now a Labour MP.
The Paedophile Information Exchange
was popular at the time of the Islington abuse scandal. The lobby group
held that paedophiles ‘loved’ children and wanted to liberate them
sexually. PIE was granted ‘affiliate’ status within the National Council
for Civil Liberties. At the time, the NCCL was run by Patricia Hewitt
(left), the future Blairite minister, along with Harriet Harman (right),
the Labour Party’s current acting leader, and her husband Jack Dromey
(centre), also now a Labour MP
With
these incidents in mind, Mann argued that Corbyn had ‘inadvertently
helped the rubbishing and cover-up’ of abuse, and was therefore
unsuitable to ‘attempt to lead the Labour Party’.
That’s quite a claim.
So
it was perhaps little wonder that, in response to the letter, Corbyn’s
camp should issue an angry statement saying Mann’s comments marked a
‘new low’ in the ill-tempered leadership campaign.
The
statement, issued in the past ten days, formally denied, among other
things, that he turned a blind eye to the Islington scandal.
‘Jeremy
Corbyn has a long record of standing up for his constituents,’ it read.
‘He called for an independent inquiry into child abuse in Islington at
the time, and has taken this strong line ever since.’ That response drew
the sting out of Mann’s charges, and in the days that followed, Corbyn
found himself propelled to front-runner status in the leadership race,
after receiving important endorsements from major trade unions.
But
Mann stands by his allegations. And with the issue unresolved as the
Labour leadership campaign enters its final weeks, much of Corbyn’s
credibility would appear to now rest on two important questions.
First:
did Corbyn really ‘call for an inquiry’ into the Islington scandal in
the early Nineties, as he now claims? And, second, did he indeed, as he
again claims, take a ‘strong line’ over allegations of child abuse in
his borough?
On the first issue, things would appear, at best, unclear.
Liz
Davies certainly can’t remember him saying anything of that nature. And
the Mail has been unable to find newspaper cuttings, recorded public
statements, or extracts from Hansard, in which he makes such a call.
All
that can be found is a single, short quote he gave to the Evening
Standard a couple of days after the scandal broke, commenting: ‘These
allegations are extremely serious and must be properly investigated.’
Does
that constitute ‘calling for an inquiry’? Up to a point, perhaps. But
it hardly provides evidence that he campaigned relentlessly on the
issue, as Davies and fellow whistle-blowers hoped he would.
That
seems odd. After all, Corbyn is never usually afraid to make a stand on
issues he deems important, or to demand public inquiries into matters
deemed scandalous in Left-wing circles. Such interventions rarely pass
without gaining some form of public attention.
Over
the years, he’s been mentioned in print calling for inquiries into
dozens of incidents, from Bloody Sunday, to the Afghan and Iraq wars, to
the mysterious death in 1984 of anti-nuclear protester Hilda Murrell,
to the tendering process for bus routes through Islington.
However, of his alleged call for an inquiry into the all-important Islington abuse scandal, there appears to be no trace.
A
spokesman for Corbyn was unable to identify, when asked this week,
where or when he might have made such a call, or where a record of it
might now be. However, his campaign insists their recent statement is
accurate and we must, of course, take them at their word.
Then
there is the question of whether Corbyn did, as he now so vigorously
claims, take a ‘strong line’ when presented with details of the
Islington abuse scandal in 1992.
[Corbyn] was polite but never seemed to do anything
Liz
Davies believes otherwise. And so do at least two other people who
attempted to bring important aspects of it to Corbyn’s attention at the
time. One is Eileen Fairweather, the journalist who first broke news of
the Islington scandal in the Evening Standard in October that year.
She,
like Davies before her, also held a meeting with Corbyn at the time,
informing him of the seriousness of the child abuse and shared detailed
evidence about how the borough’s children were suffering.
Again,
like Davies, she says that the MP listened politely, but never wrote,
or called, after the meeting, to thank her, and responded to her claims
with ‘inaction’.
The
other is Demetrious Panton, a survivor of abuse who told Corbyn in
August 1992 that ‘very bad things had happened’ to him when he’d been
living at an Islington care home several years earlier.
Though
he never detailed what these ‘bad things’ were, or disclosed to Corbyn
that he’d been sexually abused, Panton was dismayed over the ensuing
years by what he regards as Corbyn’s silence on the scandal.
Both of their claims will be considered in more detail later. First, however, some context.
The
Islington abuse scandal has its roots in the extraordinary belief,
popular in progressive circles during the Sixties and Seventies, that
paedophiles were merely an oppressed minority, who ‘loved’ children and
wanted to liberate them sexually.
Advancing
this morally bankrupt argument was the Paedophile Information Exchange
[PIE], a lobby group which campaigned for the ‘rights’ of predatory sex
offenders and the abolition of the age of consent, and which was
controversially granted ‘affiliate’ status within the National Council
for Civil Liberties (NCCL), a pressure group which became Liberty.
At
the time, the NCCL was being run by Patricia Hewitt, the future
Blairite minister, along with Harriet Harman, the Labour Party’s current
acting leader, and her husband Jack Dromey, also now a Labour MP.
PIE’s founder, Peter Righton (above) - a prominent social worker later prosecuted for importing child pornography from Holland - was put in charge of training courses on which council staff learned how to care for vulnerable children. Righton, who had a flat in the borough (as did PIE’s one-time key member, his friend Morris Fraser) once boasted: ‘Every Islington care home manager knows I like boys from 12’

PIE’s founder, Peter Righton (above) –
a prominent social worker later prosecuted for importing child
pornography from Holland – was put in charge of training courses on
which council staff learned how to care for vulnerable children.
Righton, who had a flat in the borough (as did PIE’s one-time key
member, his friend Morris Fraser) once boasted: ‘Every Islington care
home manager knows I like boys from 12’
A
member of the ruling NCCL executive was a lawyer called Henry Hodge.
His wife was Margaret, the Labour leader of Islington when the scandal
first unfolded. Ms Hewitt has since apologised for her dealings with
PIE, though Harman and Dromey insist they have nothing to say sorry for.
By
the Eighties, PIE propaganda, along with the dogma of political
correctness, had become so entrenched in the modus operandi of Left-wing
councils that, in some of them, sex offenders were able to operate with
virtual impunity.
So
it was in Labour-run Islington, where the political elite regarded
anyone who attempted to blow the whistle on child sex crimes as being
motivated by homophobia, and where paedophiles posing as gay adult men
were routinely allowed to stay overnight in the rooms of vulnerable
residents of children’s homes.
Complaints
of abuse were systematically brushed under the carpet by officials who
appeared to give more weight to the so-called human rights of
paedophiles than those of children.
PIE’s
founder, Peter Righton — a prominent social worker later prosecuted for
importing child pornography from Holland — was put in charge of
training courses on which council staff learned how to care for
vulnerable children.
Righton,
who had a flat in the borough (as did PIE’s one-time key member, his
friend Morris Fraser) once boasted: ‘Every Islington care home manager
knows I like boys from 12.’
Under
Islington Council’s then trendy equal opportunities rules, employees
who declared themselves gay, or who came from an ethnic minority, were
hired ahead of rivals, and also exempted from intrusive background
checks that were supposed to prevent paedophiles working with children.
That
explains how Michael Taylor, an Islington care home manager exposed in a
later court case as a PIE member, was put in charge of several homes in
which abuse occurred. He was later jailed for four years for abusing
vulnerable children.
It
also explains how social workers such as Liz Davies were told, by their
superiors, to place vulnerable children with foster parents whom they
had reported as suspected abusers, a fact which eventually prompted
Davies to resign from her job. 
But
we digress. For when the scandal broke, in October 1992, Islington
Council responded with a classic display of denial and obfuscation.
Margaret
Hodge accused Eileen Fairweather of ‘gutter journalism’, said the abuse
claims were untrue, and claimed, wrongly, that alleged victims had been
paid for interviews.
It
would be more than a decade before Hodge apologised for the slur,
claiming she had issued it after being lied to by unnamed members of
staff.
In the meantime, the scandal left local MP Jeremy Corbyn in a very tricky position indeed.
A
self-confessed Marxist, who before entering Parliament had been a
full-time ‘organiser’ for the National Union of Public Employees, which
represented town hall staff, he would not just upset such political
allies as Hodge, Hewitt, Dromey and Harman by speaking out. He might
also offend and compromise comrades in the trades union movement.
Many
of Corbyn’s close political associates were also implicated in the
controversy, including Derek Sawyer, his agent, who became council
leader at Islington after Hodge moved on in 1992.
With this in mind, perhaps the easiest option for Corbyn would have been to remain largely silent. Is that the path he chose?
Demetrious
Panton certainly thinks so. Now a successful barrister, he has spent
much of the past 20 years campaigning for justice for fellow child abuse
victims, many of whom were Corbyn’s constituents, and says he has no
recollection of the MP ‘making any public comments’ about it.
‘This was despite the fact that a major child abuse scandal had taken place in his constituency,’ Panton comments.
‘I
am aware that Mr Corbyn is an active campaigner for the protection of
human rights of a range of people, including those who have never been
his constituents.
‘I
am not aware that he ever deployed his obvious zeal and effort to
ensure that the human rights of his constituents who were abused while
in the care of the London borough of Islington, were protected.’
It
was early 1993 by the time Corbyn met Eileen Fairweather, agreeing to
see her in the Palace of Westminster to discuss the scandal.
A
veteran Left-winger, who had previously worked for the feminist
magazine Spare Rib, she was anxious to reassure him that the Islington
abuse claims were not, as Margaret Hodge had suggested, part of a
Right-wing smear.
‘He
took me to a cafeteria, and we sat in a quiet corner with our backs to a
wall,’ she recalls. ‘I took him through the whole story and laid out
the evidence, piece by piece.
‘He
was perfectly nice. Very cordial. I really thought I was getting
somewhere. He gave me the impression that he took the whole thing
seriously and said he would go away and make inquiries.’
Like Davies, Panton and so many others before them, she would also end up sorely disappointed.
‘That
was the last I heard from him,’ she says. ‘He never wrote, never called
and never said a thing about it in public. I rang him some time later
and got short shrift.
‘My
best guess is, frankly, and I feel sad to say this, is that he lacked
strength and discernment. That he was too trusting, or fell for lies, or
didn’t want to rock the boat and put people’s backs up. What I think he
did, sadly, was to just hide.’
There
is, Fairweather now reflects, an old saying that applies to the
Islington debacle — ‘that all it takes for evil to flourish is for good
men to do nothing’.
As
Jeremy Corbyn mounts an audacious attempt to seize control of both his
party and the country, at least one of the questions he must now surely
answer is this: when whistle-blowers told him of the systematic abuse of
vulnerable children in his constituency, what, in all honesty, did he
actually do?

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Hollie Greig Justice

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